861.00/3804: Telegram
The Chargé in Russia (Poole) to the Acting Secretary of State
[Received February 5, 3:31 a.m.]
829. It is my duty to explain frankly to the Department the moral perplexity into which I have been thrown by the statement of Russian policy adopted by the Peace Conference, January 22, on the motion of the President.40 The announcement very happily recognizes the revolution and confirms again that entire absence of sympathy for any form of counter-revolution which has always been a keynote of American policy in Russia; but it contains not one word of condemnation for the other enemy of the revolution—the Bolshevik Government. On the contrary this government is accepted apparently on the same footing for the purpose of the invitation to Princes Island as those other groups which, however weak they may be, have acted with reasonable decency and patriotism and have been loyal in the fight against German imperialism. Having reread within the last few days practically every pronouncement of the President on foreign policy and having remarked especially his statement at Mobile October 27th, 1913, that we dare not turn from the principle that morality and not expediency is the thing that must guide us and that we will never condone iniquity because it is most convenient to do so, I feel that some further utterance of the Conference must follow which will reveal the United States and its associates as the outspoken champions of right, aligning our Russian policy of the future with that of the past as exemplified in the note of September 20th41 to the neutral powers. The Department knows by my telegram 770, January 22, 6 p.m.,42 that I am not a stubborn or captious advocate of any specific course of action against the Bolshevik Government. I had thought only that unceasing condemnation of its evil methods had been accepted beyond all [Page 43] changing as a part of our policy. I have given all there is in me to reveal, and possibly thereby slightly to abate, the utter wickedness of much the Bolsheviki have done and are still doing, in the thought that I might be contributing in some slight way to better the world’s affairs. Knowing as I do, possibly better than any other American, the complete unmorality of the Bolshevik leaders—though the aspirations of a few be sincere—and the demoralization which their cynicism and cruelty work upon those whom they lead, I can not in honesty or self-respect do other than protest against any course of action which does not take unmistakable account of these facts. If I have misconstrued the Paris announcement, or any subsequent action taken is to give it a different color, I know that the Department will set me right with the same understanding and indulgence which it has invariably shown to me. Affairs at Archangel are critical. I should be loath to evade responsibility and my departure would add uncertainty and conjecture to a situation already overwrought. In tendering my resignation, therefore, I desire not only to express the sorrow which the necessity for this action causes me and my deep appreciation of the kindness which I have always met at the hands of my superiors, but, also, my readiness to wait here the Department’s determination of the moment when it will be opportune to let me go. My only purpose is to avow honestly to the Department my state of mind, in order that it may determine the possible future value of my services, and, secondly to assure my early disassociation from any Russian policy which does not include, regardless of its other components, unremitting public denunciation of or in any other way seems to condone the methods by which the Bolsheviki have come into power, which they have continued to employ and are still today employing in order to maintain themselves.