No. 151.
Mr. Seward
to Mr. Evarts.
Legation of
the United States,
Peking, February 6, 1880.
(Received April 26.)
No. 586.]Sir: During the last few days public report has
indicated that Chung How, the late ambassador to Russia, is really in
serious danger of losing his life, and that the memorials to the throne in
regard to his matter and the Russian treaty have indicated a spirit of much
hostility to foreigners at large and outside of resentment against the
Russians in particular.
My colleagues and I have considered the situation as thus described, and,
while very much in the dark as to the actual facts, we have felt that we
cannot stand silent when what appears to be a grave wrong is on the eve of
being penetrated. We entertain no doubt whatever that the late embassador
did his duty to the best of his ability, and that his return to China was
nothing more than the natural consequence of the completion of his work. We
know positively that a large part of his work was approved in advance of the
close of his negotiations, and that his return could have been prevented if
there had, at the moment, existed at the Tsung-li Yamên dissatisfaction with
his treaty or a belief that the public interest required him to remain at
his post.
The circumstances, then, all point to the proposition that the late
ambassador is being sacrificed because of the cry raised against him by
officials who have no responsibility in foreign affairs, who know the least
in the world about them, and who, as a consequence, belong to the
reactionary party.
The circumstances and various intimations which reach us point as well to the
proposition that, while the discussion as to the Kuldja treaty had reference
in the outset to its merits, they have latterly taken a line which must be
considered unfavorable to foreign interests at large.
My colleagues and I, the Russian chargé d’affaires of course excepted, in
view of the considerations so stated, have decided to address to the foreign
office communications intended to indicate that we are not regardless of
what is passing, with a view, if possible, to save the life of the late
ambassador, and to intimate that foreign powers cannot disregard the
question of humanity which is involved and the effect of this or other
hostile demonstrations upon our general interests.
I inclose herewith a copy of the letter which I am writing to Prince Kung. My
colleagues for England, Germany, and France, are sending in letters not
identical with my own, but such as they have thought best suited to the
occasion. Copies of their notes will be transmitted to you at a later
moment.
I am free to confess that I have been actuated more by a desire to do my duty
in a humanitarian point of view than by considerations of danger to our
interests:
* * * * * * *
I believe that you and that every man in our land would have the right, if
this matter of Chung How’s should bo carried to an extreme point, to ask
whether I had done what I could to save an innocent man from death. But of
course such interference subjects one to the danger of provoking resentment.
It has been my effort, therefore, to speak, as it were, from the standpoint
of the effect which the action proposed by the Chinese will have upon our
relations. They cannot complain at all when
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one keeps within this rule and speaks justly, and I
believe that I have done so.
I respectfully ask your approval of the course which I have taken in this
very difficult and delicate matter.
I have, &c.,
[Inclosure in No. 586.]
Mr. Seward to
Prince Kung.
February 6,
1880.
Informal.]The undersigned is constrained to inform your imperial highness that
reports are current and have reached his ears indicating that the
disposition of a large part of the high officials of this capital toward
the late imperial ambassador, Chung How, is very hostile; it would seem
even that fears are entertained for his life.
Under any ordinary circumstances the undersigned, availing of his
privilege as a foreign minister, would apply to your imperial highness
for information, but it must be supposed that your imperial highness
will not be prepared to make any statement whatever, so long as the
matter referred to is under the examination of your government.
The undersigned has no alternative, then, but to point out to your
imperial highness in this way the fact that the arrest and degradation
of a high official for no other offense than that of having returned to
his own country after the completion of a special mission abroad, will
seem to his government an extraordinary proceeding, the more so when the
expectation of the given officer to so return had been announced from
the very beginning of his mission, and had been declared to the foreign
legations by the Yamên itself at a moment which would indicate that he
might have been stopped if it were desired that he should remain at his
post.
The undersigned is aware that there may be other charges against the late
ambassador, but his government will not think it strange that in
speaking of the matter the undersigned should put forward with
prominence the allegation made in two imperial decrees and the only one
which has been made public.
If it be true that dissatisfaction exists with the late ambassador in
respect of the work done or left undone by him during his recent
mission, neither will this appear in the eyes of his government an
adequate ground for extreme measures. It is not to be presumed that a
high functionary has not acted to the best of his judgment and ability,
and with the disposition to do his duty.
The case is not without concern to foreign governments when viewed from
the one or the other standpoint. They have invited you to establish
missions abroad because they have desired to avert the recurrence of
difficulties and to draw more closely the bonds of friendship. But what
high officer will care hereafter to go abroad when the duty before him
is so perilous? What boldness or vigor can be expected of a minister who
has to direct his steps to avert not only disaster from his state, but
also disaster of the gravest sort from himself? It is the interest of
your government and ours that able and experienced men shall fill your
missions, and so far as the procedure pursued in the course of the late
ambassador appears calculated to discredit such employment, so far it
must be regretted by us.
The undersigned is not disposed, either, to pass by the fact that in
recent years a better feeling has grown up between foreigners and the
people of your empire, and that many of your officers have come to
regard foreigners as actuated by generous sentiments and a right regard
to justice. What then will be the effect upon the growth of this
sentiment of the extreme measures with the late ambassador? Will it
point every officer in the empire to the proposition that a special
danger attends the conduct of international relations, and that their
only safety lies in unreasoning opposition to foreigners? Will it lead
the people to believe that the disasters which have befallen the
imperial ambassador indicate a revival of the ancient hostility to
foreigners? If so, will not the conduct of international affairs become
more difficult in every way, and occasions for complaint be
multiplied?
The undersigned does not at all magnify the importance of this case. The
officer in question has served his government in distinguished ways,
and, it must be presumed, acceptably. The matter has importance in this
view, but it has a broader importance in view of the fact that his
service has been largely in the unfrequented field of foreign
intercourse. It is one, then, of unusual significance for your people
and for ours, and it will be watched accordingly.
The undersigned has hesitated to address your imperial highness in regard
to the matter, but his sense of duty to his own government and his
friendliness to yours have
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left Mm no alternative but to do so. It remains only for him to express
the hope that the considerations which he has put forward are receiving
attention.
The undersigned seizes the occasion to convey to your imperial highness
the expressions of his highest consideration.
