Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward.
Sir: In compliance with a desire expressed in a private note to me, I called to see Lord Clarendon on Tuesday, the 13th instant, when he announced himself prepared to resume the conversation held on the 5th instant, a report of which I made to you in my despatch No. 1165.
The substance of his observations, drawn from an examination of the papers in the Home Office, was to the effect that the government, whilst obliged to take every measure which the aggravated nature of the circumstances demanded to secure the public safety in Ireland, was yet ready to do whatever was possible not to make it press upon persons, especially aliens, who might have become involved in suspicion, without absolute proof. He referred to the claims made by Mr. West, the consul, in behalf of certain individuals as native Americans, and expressed a doubt from contrary evidence in their hands whether, at least in some of the cases, the fact was made out. He spoke with some sensibility of the very friendly manner in which the correspondence had been conducted, and assured me that it would be fully met in the same spirit. With regard to the claims made in behalf of naturalized Irishmen, he said that there was here an opposition in the law between the two countries which was not to be reconciled. He intimated that the process of naturalization was susceptible [Page 84] of abuse in America, which might, if it were recognized as valid, have the effect of paralyzing all their measures to suppress the disaffection. As it was, what remained of it was clearly traceable to the support it got from money and men sent from the other side. Hence, it would be very difficult to make concessions in these cases.
I replied to this by explaining to him the nature of the obstacles existing in America to that facility of naturalization to which he had alluded. There might be some abuse of the process and even some fraud, but after all, the law required certain previous conditions of time from the date of the preliminary declaration, which were generally fulfilled. I did not, therefore, think that there was so much danger of abuse as he imagined. For the rest, I had no disposition to encourage false claims. To that end I had directed Mr. West to take every precaution in verifying, so far as he could, the allegation of nativity by requiring details of time, place, and circumstance. Furthermore, in regard to naturalization, I had also required satisfactory evidence, which, as Mr. West had written to me, had been furnished him only in a very small number of cases. Hence, I infer that most of the persons arrested must remain outside of my limit of interference. But even in all the admitted cases, if the government had in its hands the proofs of complicity with designs to overthrow the established law, I should feel myself obliged, on the production of them to me, to desist from urgency in regard to them. We had experienced so much annoyance from action of the same kind by the subjects of foreign states, who sympathized with and aided the rebellion, and whom we had been compelled to arrest and detain in the same way, that I was not inclined to give any sanction to such conduct anywhere. My efforts would be confined to those cases in which there was mere suspicion, or at most feeble evidence, of actual evil intent. Surely, in such instances it was no object for her Majesty’s government to persevere in holding them, especially if the parties should prove willing, in the event of liberation, to pass without the limits of the jurisdiction. Of course, I could make no guarantee as to what they would or would not do in that event. The choice might, however, be left to them, if the case should seem to require it.
His lordship, without absolutely committing himself in words, gave me generally to understand that the government would cheerfully co-operate in every effort to facilitate an arrangement of all such cases. He asked me whether I desired to have the subject now put in writing between us, or I should prefer to wait a little while, letting things go on as at present. I replied that I was not yet quite prepared for the former course. The consul was still busy getting up his evidence in the respective cases Whenever the report I expected from him should arrive, I would then make a representation in writing. To this his lordship would probably consent to give me a reply. After the receipt of that I should make the proper official report to my government, with a view to obtaining full instructions as to the future. Thus far it was to be understood that I had been acting upon the spur of the moment, without being possessed of the views of my government. So soon as they should be communicated to me I should take an early opportunity to let him know what they were.
I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.