Mr. Perry to Mr. Seward.
[Extract.]
Madrid, June 13, 1861.
Sir: Your despatch of May 20, No. 1, has reached me, and varies the instructions of May 9.
Please find annexed copy of my note to Mr. Calderon, dated yesterday, which I placed in his hands accompanied by a copy of your despatch. I deemed it proper to provoke a repetition to myself of the assurance given to Mr. Preston, and fix it by a statement in writing.
On this subject, of the recognition by Spain of the pretended government of the Confederate States, I have had various interviews with influential personages, and with the sub-secretary and the first secretary of state. I have represented the position of the rebel party in a light which was evidently new to them.
Yesterday, in a long and very satisfactory interview with Mr. Calderon, I explained to him the connexion of Mr. Jefferson Davis and other leaders in the southern rebellion with the attempt made in 1854–’55 by the same parties to provoke a war with Spain for the conquest of Cuba. He was made to see that the former filibustering against Cuba had its origin, like the present rebellion at the south, in the political ambition of our slave owners. They then wished to re-enforce the slave power in the Union by the annexation of new slave States, but having failed in Cuba, in Nicaragua, in Kansas, and lastly in the recent presidential election, they had at length to turn their arms against the government of the United States, now passed out of their control.
Secession was filibustering struck in. I explained that, unhappily, a class at the south called by the slave owners “mean whites” were quite ready to follow their lead, and were a terrible instrument in their hands. Their own ignorance, their dependence upon the richer class, and their contact with the blacks had gradually reduced them, intellectually and morally, to a point of which, perhaps, there were few examples in the Anglo-Saxon race. They were as reckless of danger as they were of right, as ready to embark for the fever lakes of Central America as for the sugar fields of Cuba, or the wilds of Kansas, or a campaign against the government of their country.
This was good material for a rebel soldiery; and under the more intelligent lead of the slave owners this revolt was undoubtedly serious and would cost blood. But the result was not doubtful. The disparity of force and resources on the part of the government was too overbalancing to leave the rebels a chance of long prolonging the struggle.
Happily, between the ambitious class of slave owners and the so-called “mean whites,” their instruments, there was a middle class in the south, more numerous than the two together, loyal to the Union and the Constitution. These loyal citizens were now held in a state of duress by the violence and intimidation employed by the slave owners and their instruments. His excellency would have noticed that from the beginning to this day the rebels had not obtained the sanction of a popular vote to any of their high acts. Nevertheless this was the only basis of political right known in America. We had no king, no church, no aristocracy, no other political guarantee or sanction in our nation than the will of the people fairly expressed. None of the so-called ordinances separating States from the Union had been ratified by the people of those States themselves; nor had the pretended new confederation of those States, nor the formation of a constitution and government [Page 262] for the so-called Confederate States, nor any other of the high acts pretended to have been accomplished in the name of the people of certain States, ever received their sanction or concurrence. The majority was against such proceedings in the southern States themselves. The whole was the work of a party which, by violence, was imposing its action upon those States.
Leaving out of view the question whether a State might or might not secede from the United States by its own will, really up to this time no such will had been manifested. The pretended acts of sovereignty exercised by those States in fact were not the acts of those States, but simply the acts of a party which shows itself a minority in those States.
They were hollow, they lacked the only sanction which could give them substance.
And the appearance of a confederate government set up by the faction operating in the south was an appearance only—convenient for their own purposes, but having no condition entitling it to the consideration of foreign States.
Without the sanction of the people it was a pretence and no reality. I mentioned the example of the court, or appearance of a court, set up by Don Carlos in the northern provinces of Spain not many years since, and asked Mr. Calderon whether that was a government either de jure or de facto; and yet Don Carlos and his rebel army and sympathizers held a large district for a considerable period subject to their duress.
Thus the appearance set up in our southern States was no government either de jure or de facto. It was at best a transitory form of violence, a phase of anarchy, a thing which could endure only whilst the violence might endure which had produced and still maintained it. But, aside from this violence, there was no political guarantee in Mr. Davis, nor in his followers, nor in the class from which they spring. Up to this time they had been unrestrained, and their demonstrations completely unchecked, by any show of force on the part of the government; but now it had been found necessary to display the power of the Union, and our forces were preparing by land and sea to quell this sedition and release the loyal people of the southern States from the duress of this rebel faction.
Much more was said, and questions asked and answered, which it is hardly necessary to repeat.
The result of this interview, I am happy to say, may be regarded by the President as decisive in regard to Spain. Much had been done previously, but it was brought to a termination yesterday.
The minister of state not only renewed to me the assurance given to Mr. Preston, but amplified it, stating absolutely that if any commissioners of other negotiators should appear in behalf of the so-called Confederate States, the government would not see them nor recognize them in any capacity; that Spain would have nothing to do with the rebel party in the United States in any sense.
I might write this to my government, and say besides that her Majesty’s first secretary of state had promised me that within a few days, as soon as it could be declared, a decree would be issued by this government prohibiting all Spaniards from taking service on either side, and ordering all the subjects of Spain to maintain complete neutrality in the contest now begun in the United States; that she would prohibit the entrance of southern privateers into any of her ports, peninsular and colonial, and prohibit the furnishing of any supplies to the rebels, whether arms, provisions, coals, ships, or any other merchandise which might aid in their revolt against the government of the Union. Armed ships, with their prizes, would not be permitted to enter her ports. Spanish subjects would be forbidden to accept any letter of marque or other such document, or serve on board of any privateer; [Page 263] and no fitting out of vessels for the purpose of taking part in hostilities against the United States could be permitted, but impeded with vigor and severity.
I have again seen Mr. Calderon to-day, and he informed me that, in pursuance of these declarations, he had just come from a council of ministers, where he had been occupied with this business, and that the decree would appear in two or three days at most, and that he would also write to Señor Tassara, her Majesty’s representative in Washington, to make you the same announcement on the part of his government.
* * * * * * * * *
With sentiments of the highest respect, sir, your obedient servant,
Hon. Wm. H. Seward, Secretary of State.