852.00/2450: Telegram
The Chargé in France (Wilson) to the Secretary of State
726. At the luncheon which Minister of Foreign Affairs Delbos gave for Grover Whalen32 today I had an opportunity to talk at length with him. He spoke frankly about the Spanish situation and the very serious concern which it gives him. He said that the French Government has conclusive proof of aid given to the rebels not only by the Italian Government but by the German Government as well. Five German airplanes, three of them large transport planes, had been flown to Spanish Morocco and turned over to Franco—“and this could not happen without the approval of the German Government”; furthermore the French Government knew that the Deutschland had landed bombs in Spainsh Morocco for the rebels. As regards Italian aid he said that the French Government now knew that the flight of Italian Air Corps planes to Morocco, two of which landed in French Morocco, was headed by a colonel of the Italian Air Force; that the Italian Air Corps personnel who manned the planes had been enrolled for this duty at least as early as July 20 and that a pay slip was found on one of the airmen indicating that he had drawn his pay [Page 468] from the Italian Air Corps in advance through July 31. (Vienot, the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, with whom I also talked told me that there were certain indications, which the French Government was trying to substantiate, that some of these airmen had been enrolled for this duty as early as July 15; if substantiated this would show, he said, that there was complicity between the Italian Government and the rebels as to the time for the outbreak of the revolt.)
Delbos said that there was no doubt in his mind that both the German and Italian Governments had made arrangements with the rebels which in the event of the latter’s success would give these Governments bases in Spanish Morocco and the Spanish islands “thereby cutting off our communications with North Africa”.
He said that the French proposal of non-intervention to the other powers was in effect that they should join in signing a declaration that they would prohibit the shipment of war materials to either side in Spain. When I asked if this declaration would be based on what Cranborne33 had recently stated in the House of Commons was the present British policy including freedom of shipment for commercial aircraft, Delbos replied that the French Government was proposing “the strict prohibition of war material in the broadest possible interpretation of that phrase including all types of aeroplanes”. Whether other Governments would accept this was, he added, another matter. In referring to the Foreign Office’s communiqué August 1, I said that I assumed that the reservation of freedom of judgment as to the application of the French Government’s decision not to export war material referred only to the future and that pending the receipt of replies from all the Governments consulted this prohibition was being maintained. The Minister replied that the French Government had proposed to the other Governments to follow the same policy as that which had been followed here, namely, the strict prohibition of the exportation of war material or aeroplanes to Spain. This appeal had been made last Saturday. A delay was taking place in replies from certain powers and in the meantime the French Government knew that certain powers were actually furnishing aeroplanes and war material to the rebels. Under such circumstances the Minister said “it would be ridiculous” for France to continue to forbid all shipments of war material to Spain (the inference is, I think, clear).
The Minister said that he had just been informed that the Italian reply had been received but he did not yet know all the details thereof although was advised that it “raised a number of points”. I asked whether he believed that in view of his conviction that the German [Page 469] and Italian Governments had made arrangements with the rebels and had been furnishing them war material these Governments would be able to accept without reservation the French proposal of a declaration of non-intervention. He replied that if these Governments did not accept the proposal and live up to their acceptance the other powers would know where Italy and Germany stood as regards Spain. He added that the French proposal was a door which had been opened to a peaceful solution of this dangerous situation and he hoped with all his heart that the proposal would be accepted.
The Minister also said that the action of the Spanish rebels was a clear violation of the provisions of the 1912 treaty between France and Spain34 and that the French Government would be entirely in its rights in demanding that the rebels clear out of Spanish Morocco. However, he said there were obviously other considerations involved and the French Government was not considering taking any such step.
In speaking of the recent tripartite meeting at London, the Minister said that France had shown a broad spirit of concession there; there were a number of obvious points which the French Government might have raised regarding German failure to live up to obligations but the French Government had not wished to put any obstacles in the way of the possibility of coming to some reasonable arrangement with Hitler. He said that he knew that the British Government appreciated the spirit which the French representatives had at the London meeting and added that the Five Power Locarno conference35 had been projected as affording an opportunity for Hitler to show his good faith.