File No. 837.00/1330
Minister Gonzales to
the Secretary of State
No. 444
American Legation,
Habana,
April 29, 1917.
Sir: I have the honor to enclose herewith
copies of letters exchanged a month ago between Doctor Alfredo Zayas,
liberal candidate for the presidency in the last elections, and myself.
The first letter is from Dr. Zayas bearing date March 29; the reply is
of the following day. Dr. Zayas made rejoinder on March 31, and my final
letter was written April 2.
While Dr. Zayas immediately took advantage of the information as to his
security from arrest contained in my letter of March 30, by coming out
of hiding, he has not responded to my letter of April 2, or taken
advantage of the opportunity therein given to explicitly state exactly
what he wished to ask the Department. I considered it a proper
precaution to require that he formulate his own questions and write them
in his native language.
A month before the date of this correspondence a mutual friend came to me
from Dr. Zayas and stating that he wished to visit me at the Legation,
asked for a salvo conducto from the
President.
Replying to my inquiry, President Menocal said Dr. Zayas was hiding from
his own fears, but he would issue a formal safe conduct.
This he gave to me, the document being unlimited in time and embracing
all Cuba.
When notified that I had the salvo conducto Dr.
Zayas declined to received it unless endorsed by me. I told him I would
endorse it for the day of his visit to the Legation but as these
guaranties from molestation were issued on the assumption that the
holders would abstain from all acts against the Government or other
illegalities, I could not for a moment consider extending my
responsibility beyond the point indicated.
He did not take the salvo conducto and remained
hidden for another month.
I have [etc.]
[Page 397]
[Inclosure 1]
Mr. Alfredo Zayas
to Minister Gonzales
Sir: From the beginning of the present
revolution I have been out of all public act, in order to avoid any
unjust accusation, or be put in prison without cause, as result of
political antagonism, or excessive zeal, or erroneous
information.
But I believe it will be convenient for the peace and order in the
Republic, and for the exercise of legal actions, that I could act as
president of the liberal party and candidate for the presidency,
with my friends, that are, I am sure, disposed to take a line of
conduct in accordance with me.
For that purpose, I need to be at home, and in different places of
the city, and perhaps I will find convenient to go to Washington, in
relation with the same matter; and I desire to obtain, by your
personal intervention, the assurance that the Cuban Government, or
its agents, shall not accuse me, and that I will be in liberty to go
to Washington, considering it convenient.
I don’t pay attention to the judiciary proceeding, because I am not
responsible in any way.
So, I beg you to take in consideration this letter (in other case
confidential) and be kind giving to me an answer, directed to my
wife, 3a Morro st.
Believe me [etc.]
[Inclosure 2]
Minister Gonzales
to Mr. Alfredo Zayas
American Legation,
Habana,
March 30, 1917.
My Dear Sir: Your letter of yesterday’s
date asking that I obtain for you guaranty from arrest so that in
the interest of securing peace in Cuba you might visit and consult
with leaders of the liberal party in Habana and then, if deemed
convenient, proceed to Washington, was handed to me yesterday
afternoon by your son.
I spoke with General Menocal upon this subject last night, and was
assured by him, as he has assured me from the outbreak of the
revolution, that you had no cause to fear arrest by the Government
in Cuba. He does not consent, however, that you should leave Cuba at
this time because he cannot observe where any activities by you in
the United States could operate for peace.
At the last interview you had with me at the Legation in the early
days of February, in response to your inquiry as to whether the
United States would intervene I offered to transmit by cable to the
Washington Government any statement you or the liberal party wished
to make concerning the pending partial elections, including a
request by you or that party for supervision of those elections by
the United States. You said you would that evening consult with
those in control of the party and would communicate the decision the
following day. I heard nothing further on the subject. A few days
later you left Habana for Santa Clara Province, where you remained
until after the revolt began.
The Government of the United States has not known persons or parties
in the distressing conflict in Cuba. But it has known the
Constituted Government of Cuba, and it has known its established
policy of condemnation of and opposition to revolutions against
constitutional governments. The President of the United States
publicly declared this policy years ago. It should have been known
to every intelligent person not wilfully blind to my Government’s
attitude.
In my letter to Mr. Márquez Sterling, published in all the newspapers
of this country early last December, was an appeal to the patriotism
of Cubans; it also contained the trite declaration that civilization
could rest only upon law; that the appeal to illegal force led to
anarchy, and that “no existe problema que los cubanos no puedan
solucionar por sí, y solucionar para su honor perdurable, si cada
cual acuerda en su corazón: primero que nada, mi patria!”6
But in face of the declared and known position of the United States
Government towards revolutions and of my efforts to avert a
foredoomed revolution, the revolt against the Government took place
before the partial elections were held.
[Page 398]
The United States Government has four times declared its position
since this uprising occurred, three times through this Legation and
once to the Chamber of Commerce of Santiago de Cuba. I hoped when
the first declaration was made that patriotic Cubans would recognize
the finality of that decision and actively exert themselves to
prevent sacrifice of life, destruction of property and the breeding
of the spirit of lawlessness and brigandage. At each subsequent
declaration the same hope was entertained, but, as yet, in vain.
You now speak of going to Washington. Is there any question bearing
on this matter that my Government has not answered? Is there any
uncertainty as to the attitude of my Government on any point which
could possibly hinder patriots in Cuba from working in Cuba for
their country’s interests? If there is, and you can not leave this
country to appear in Washington, I again offer to present your
question or to state your case by cable and obtain a reply.
If there is to be patriotic work for tranquillity manifestly it
should begin while such efforts can have value—before all the men to
die have been killed and all the property to be destroyed has been
burned.
[Inclosure 3]
Mr. Alfredo Zayas
to Minister Gonzales
My Dear Sir: I am obliged for your
attention answering my letter, dated 29 of the present month; and I
remain knowing that the President, General Menocal, assure you, as
he has assured before, that I don’t have cause to fear arrest by the
Government in Cuba.
I wish to submit to your consideration how delicate is my personal
condition at the presents circumstances. I am the candidate opposite
to Gen. Menocal, and convinced of having won the elections, so that
I discusse, not his actual presidence, perfectly legal, but the
future Government, that I don’t judge under the same criterium, and
in consequence my acts persecuting this second point of view, can
not be interpreted as opposition to his permanence in functions in
these moments.
I didn’t give to you an answer about your offer to transmit by cable
to Washington Government any statement or petition from me or from
the Liberal party, including a request for supervision of the
special elections, because I wanted to know personally the
conditions existing in Santa Clara, after the assurances that
General Menocal has given to you (and you told me) that those
elections should be impartials and with guarantee for all.
I left Habana the 7th of February, in the evening, with the purpose
of visiting the six electorals colleges, and assist to a meeting of
the Provincial Convention the 10th, returning to Habana and calling
on you the 11th, presenting a request to your Government for a
counsel or advise to General Menocal, about the elections of the
14th, if I found it necessary.
The conditions in Santa Clara show me immediately that it would be
impossible for the liberals the exercise of their right as voters.
Myself, I was threatened by the soldiers not to pass in front of the
house destined for the Electoral College in Guadalupe (municipality
of Zulueta);—I saw numerous electors of Ranchuelo in Santa Clara and
Camajuani, who have been compelled to leave their homes, afraided by
the Rural Guards;—I was induced by my friends not to go to
Yaguaramas, because they assure me that I would be killed;—the same
was said by my friends in Purial;—and I talked with several electors
of Pedro Barba that the public force has forced them to leave their
homes and rural properties. However, I proposed in the meeting, and
was approved by all, to appoint commissioners for each College, and
to assist to the elections. I have then the purpose of returning to
Habana and make without delay the said petition to you; but from the
9th and during the 10th, I received by telephone news of prisons
effected and others expected in Habana, and the 10th I read in the
journals, with great surprise, that the Liberal Directing Board was
accused of rebellion. Then I resolve reaching the city not to appear
in public, fearing to be accused and arrested, losing my activity
completely.
Impossible was for me to give my answer about the matter treated in
our interview, and I hope you will excuse me.
[Page 399]
You ask me if there is any question bearing on the Cuban case that
your Government has not answered, or any uncertainty as to his
attitude in any point, and I will say that I find two questions of
fundamental importance to be consulted.
- I.
- The Government of Washington don’t make any difference between
the entety “Liberal Party” and the entety “Revolt,” being this
last composed by militars, and private citizens liberals and
also conservatives, as the Generale Milanés, Padró y Garcia?
When the Government of Washington declare that he never will
treat with anybody while the rebels don’t deposed their arms, he
included in his refusal one or more representatives of the
Liberal Party, desiring to treat with him about the
matter?
- II.
- The present Government of Cuba is legal and constitutional,
and never we, liberals, have denied that, or pretended to
interrupt its functions; but the next Government can be the
result of illegal proceedings, and appear as one legal and
constitutional, because the Liberal Party, considered
(erroneously by your Government, and intentionally by
interesteds here) as the same Revolt, or as a similar or
complementary body, cannot do nothing in guard of its rights by
causes easily conceived. If the Government of Washington has
given his powerful support to the actual Government of Cuba, in
consideration that it is legal and constitutional, must be a
logical consequence of this policy that the support will cover a
new Government that possibly will appear elected during the
Revolt, voting in Santa Clara more names than electors were
registered, and effecting a fantastic votation the 9th of April
in Oriente, where nobody can go, or interfere in any way?
I call your attention upon these two points, and beg you, if you
don’t find inconvenient, to transmit them by cable to the Government
of Washington, because I understand that my liberty is assure in
Cuba, but not for sailing to Washington.
I am now according with my political friends a line of conduct with
the purpose of restoring normality in the Legislative Power, as far
as it will be in compatibility with the interests of our Party.
[Inclosure 4]
Minister Gonzales
to Mr. Alfredo Zayas
American Legation,
Habana,
April 2, 1917.
My Dear Sir: While believing that I
understand the points you wish me to present to the Washington
Government, made in your letter dated March 31 and received
yesterday afternoon, I prefer that you present those questions
exactly as you desire them transmitted, writing them in Spanish.
You are mistaken, however, when you assume that my Government has
considered the liberal party as in revolt. It has considered simply
the fact of a revolt against the legal Government of Cuba. The fact
that the legal party has up to the present taken no steps to
terminate the revolution; that it has neither through the party
organization nor through the mouth of any leader publicly condemned
a revolt evidenced chiefly in the ruthless destruction of property
of American citizens; that the party’s candidate for Vice President
together with the ex-President of the Republic and president of the
directorio liberal which conducted your
campaign took up arms against the Government; that every proposal to
cease destruction of property and lay down arms has been based on
conditions concerning the elections—these facts render it mentally
impossible to segregate the interests of your party from the
interests of the revolutionists.
Nevertheless, my Government has taken no position against the liberal
party, nor refused to discuss questions with representatives of that
party not involved in the revolution. That is not the difficulty in
which you find yourself. Your situation, as I see it, is that your
political interests and those of the active revolutionists are so
inextricably interwoven that even should you demonstrate having had
no participation in or lent no encouragement to the revolution,
there appears to be no proposal for the consideration of my
Government that you could make in favor of yourself as a candidate
that would not also be in favor of the revolutionists.
Please bear in mind that the United States Government is in no way
responsible for the position in which you are placed. If, as I said
before, there are leaders in your party outside the revolutionists
who are opposed to the revolution, they have kept silent and
permitted those in active revolt against what you concede
[Page 400]
to be the legal Government
of Cuba to appear as the party’s spokesmen. The questions which
should have been settled by the courts or by arbitration were not
permitted by the revolutionists to reach the courts; and those who
asked the United States to assume the rôle of arbitrator did so only
after attempting to overthrow the legal Government, and then made
their request with a rifle in one hand and a torch in the other.
They have used the torch.
We both know that the revolution was long discussed. There was work
done in the army against the loyalty of the troops for weeks or
months before the revolution. Your information, as you told me more
than two months ago, was that 75 per cent of the army would come to
you in the event of revolution.
In view of these facts, your legal and logical mind will at once
observe that the weakness of position occupied by those leaders of
the liberal party not personally involved in the revolution, who
would now have the United States interfere in their party’s behalf,
is due to no act of the United States Government. These leaders gave
at least the consent of silence while the revolutionists acted as if
in behalf of the party. They acquiesced at least to the extent of
silence in those illegal acts of rebels condemned by the United
States Government. They appeared, so far as the United States
Government could observe, to stake their political success or defeat
upon the success or failure of the revolution. And they did so with
the knowledge of the deep opposition of the United States Government
to such revolutions.
I sincerely trust that tranquillity will soon come to Cuba, but
believe that if peace is to be hastened by the action of civilian
counsellors, the problem will have to be approached from the
patriotic rather than from the technical side.
