No. 17.
Mr. Osborn to Mr. Frelinghuysen.

[Extract.]
No. 21.]

Sir: In my No. 19 I acquainted you, in a brief dispatch, with the substance of a statement made in the Senate by the minister of foreign relations, Senhor F. Franco de Sá, touching the proposed Peace Congress of American States, and I now have the honor to inclose the text of the discussion as it appeared in the official organ.

* * * * * * *

Senator Junqueira, who presented the inquiry, has expressed an opinion regarding the Congress, which prevails to a considerable extent. He seems to think that the movement would prove futile unless the action of the Congress should include means of enforcing its determination, and that, therefore, there is danger that the Government of Brazil may become involved in international disputes in which they have no concern.

As above intimated, Senator Junqueira is not alone in this view of the question, and I fear that it is shared even to a limited extent by the minister of foreign relations. That European influence has been quite actively exerted for the purpose of making this the opinion of the country, will not admit of a doubt, and it would be strange, indeed, in view of all the circumstances, if these efforts should have been entirely without avail. The frequent references of late in the press to the great and growing power of the United States, interspersed with occasional comments regarding our foreign policy, in which has generally figured a scheme for the absorption of one or more of our American neighbors, have tended somewhat to excite the fears of the timid, and have furnished a topic for those who have been interested in kindling the jealousies and the prejudices of the weak.

From the reply of Mr. Franco de Sá, the foreign minister, I extract:

Mr. Frelinghuysen has declared, in a dispatch to the envoy extraordinary of that Republic [the United States] near the Government of Chili, that the announced Congress was indefinitely postponed. The Government of Brazil has not yet received this information of the act of the American Government, probably because the minister accredited here has not, as yet, received a dispatch on the subject.

And further on he says:

The Congress, however, as I have already declared, has been postponed indefinitely, and it is presumed that an appropriate communication will be made to us soon.

The positive character of the minister’s statement tended to impress me with the belief that the government were desirous of being relieved from their promise to participate in the Congress, and I, therefore, during a visit which I made to the minister on the 15th instant, delicately intimated a desire to talk with him touching his declaration. He stated that he had read your instruction to Mr. Trescot, modifying the instruction of your predecessor, and Mr. Blaine’s letter to the President, and gave me to understand that his conclusion regarding the postponement was based upon these documents. I stated to him that I had received no communication from my government indicating a disposition to either withdraw its invitation or to postpone the Congress, and that if there was any such purpose in view, I did not doubt that I would be promptly advised of it. In response to a remark from him, indicating some anxiety for further and more positive information, I then told him that I would communicate with you fully, and that I thought I could safely [Page 23] assure him that I would be advised by telegraph whether the Congress would be held as originally proposed or not.

While Senhor de Sá did not intimate that his government were desirous that the Congress should not be held, still I left with the impression that he would prefer to be advised that the Government of the United States had so determined. If the determination, however, should be otherwise, I am inclined to the belief that this government will be represented in the Congress. The character of their participation can be easily anticipated from a reading of the remarks of the minister.

I also inclose an English translation of the discussion in the Senate.

I have, &c.,

THOMAS A. OSBORN.
[Inclosure in No. 21.—Translation.]

reunion of a congress in washington in november.

Senhor Junqueira. In the Diario Official of the 3d instant I read the following: “The imperial government has been invited by the United States of North America to send two commissioners to the Congress which is to be opened at Washington the 22d of November of the current year, to consider and discuss the best means of averting war between the American nations. The imperial government has accepted the invitation.”

In what light will the Senate treat this important question? The Government of the United States of North America invited the nations of this continent to send representatives to a Congress that is to be held in the capital of those States in November of this year, for the purpose of discussing and discovering the means of preventing war between the American nations. The imperial government accepted this invitation.

If it was a question of a particular society, of a reunion of philosophers, having for its object the prevention of war, we should not, surely, be opposed, because it is always laudable to commend the efforts which are made to avert such a calamity. But this treats of governments, and all the world understands that a reunion of this order, so ostentatious, has not platonic sentiment for its sole aim, but that it has in view something more positive and more real.

Serious steps are to be taken on the part of the American governments in the sense of averting the calamity of war on our continent, and therefore it shall be necessary to have the exacted obligations, without any convention, any agreement, of whatever may be determined upon; so, as I have stated, it will not pass as a manifestation wholly platonic.

The noble minister of foreign affairs being present, I ask of his excellency some explanations, and I shall place my petition (requerimento) upon the table if he does not prefer an adjournment.

I have for this purpose requested a copy of the invitation referred to which was addressed to us by the Cabinet at Washington.

As I foresee some perils in the course which may possibly be adopted, I consider it to be the duty of a representative of the nation to cause debate on that question to be opened, in order that our destinies may not be decided entirely without our having been heard, and a treaty or agreement formed which binds the nation and may hereafter cause us great sacrifices.

The Senate understands that it is a very difficult matter to avert war between the American States. Unfortunately, at the present time, there still exists a great war between the Republics of Peru, Bolivia, and Chili.

In the Cabinet at Washington the post of foreign affairs was directed by Mr. Blaine, no doubt a distinguished gentleman and diplomatist, who, according to the journals, placed himself at the head of a policy somewhat reckless. It was this gentleman who addressed the invitation to the imperial government as well as to the other American governments.

I request the noble minister of foreign affairs if, Mr. Blaine having withdrawn from the Cabinet, his successor has confirmed the invitation extended to the imperial government, or if the invitation has been withdrawn, or postponed sine die

I read in an accredited gazette—Le Brésil—now published in Paris, that the successor of Mr. Blaine will not pursue the same line of policy. The article I refer to opens with the following words—having for epigraph Chili and Peru. (Reading:)

“Eight days ago we received from the United States a serious announcement; Mr. Blaine, Secretary of State, before tendering his resignation, invited all the American [Page 24] States to meet in convention in Washington, the 30th of November of this year. We learn with lively satisfaction that Mr. Frelinghuysen, the new Secretary of State, has recalled this fantasy of his predecessor. He remembered, at the time, that Washington, in his famous a dress to the American people, on withdrawing from power, among other counsels and warnings respecting the future, insisted upon the necessity, for the welfare of the republic, of abstaining scrupulously from what he called, with so much energy, entangling alliances.”

The patriarch of American independence gave this counsel to his countrymen, that external questions might not involve them in grave complications. I, also, believe this should be our policy; endeavor to maintain our position, disposing the means necessary for our defense.

But to me it does not appear that it is desirable that we should by any form concur in an exacted obligation, (sanccaô penal), that is, with coercive measures, that war shall not arise between two American States, in some of which it is very easy.

Consequently, foreseeing that Brazil might be seriously compromised by the result, I take the liberty of making these observations, believing it is not entirely inapropos that the legislative power, the representatives of the nation, know just to what point the imperial government desires to go in this matter, and if, by chance, the acceptance of the invitation referred to, notwithstanding the negotiations are to be treated ad referendum, could produce difficulties, and likewise grave embarrassments to the empire.

My resolution is couched in these terms. (Reads:)

“I request that, through the minister of foreign affairs, the government be requested to furnish a copy of the invitation of the Cabinet at Washington to a Congress which is to meet at Washington, in the month of November next, to discuss the best means of averting war between the American nations.”

The nations sometimes, in good faith, and with the most sincere intentions, assemble to adjust in a similar manner their differences; they have always the laudable desire to preserve peace between them, but the general result accomplished by these congresses is known.

The Senate has record that in 1854 France and England entered into various understandings for the purpose of maintaining the integrity of the Ottoman Empire; that is to say, to maintain peace in Europe. Yet in consequence of this convention celebrated between France and England, there followed in a short time an armed struggle known as the war of the Crimea.

I do not wish that the same should occur in my country; I do not desire that in any eventuality we accept compromises which bring to us embarrassments. Therefore, if the noble minister would give us the satisfactory explanations, I would withdraw my petition.

Mr. Franco de Sá (minister of foreign affairs): Mr. President, I do not see any inconvenience in approving the petition of the noble senator of Bahia. I can at once give the explanations his excellency desires. In fact, the notice in the Diario Official was ordered published by the foreign office. Brazil received, and accepted, an invitation of the American Government when the minister of foreign affairs was Mr. Blaine, whose policy I cannot say was reckless, as asserted by the noble senator, but rather somewhat active and enterprising. But his successor, Mr. Frelinghuysen, is pursuing a course more moderate and more in conformity with the traditions of those states, a policy outlined in the counsel given by Washington, its founder, in the celebrated document known as the farewell address.

Mr. Frelinghuysen has declared in a dispatch to the envoy extraordinary of that republic, near the Government of Chili, that the announced Congress was indefinitely postponed. The Government of Brazil has not yet received this information of the act of the American Government, probably because the minister accredited here has not, as yet, received a dispatch on the subject.

The imperial government accepted the invitation which was addressed to it, because it understood that it was not right to refuse to take part in a solemn reunion in which, under the initiative of the government of a great nation, the general interests of America are to be discussed, to the end that the humanitarian and commendable desire to avert civil and international wars prevail.

But in this invitation or document were two important declarations of the government of the United States. First, that the base of discussion of the labors of the Congress shall be, that all international difficulties should be settled by arbitration; and, second, that the Congress shall not occupy itself with any pending question, such as Panama, and, much less, the republics of the Pacific.

We do not go, therefore, to discuss anything difficult or delicate that actually exists; we go solely to discuss conditions which shall serve for the future to avert the development of grave divergencies and conflicts between American nations. For my part, I say frankly to the Senate, that I do not repose great confidence in the practical efficacy of the Congress under discussion.

It is an idea which already has been advanced many times by philosophers and publicists, [Page 25] which has been attempted to be realized in Europe through the initiative of some sovereigns, but has not succeeded in the Old World.

We shall, perhaps, in this instance be more fortunate; but in any event, the great embarrassment will be that indicated by the noble Senator—the way of practically executing the stipulations of such treaty as may be celebrated, should any of the nations who sign desire to violate it. It will be necessary to make war to avert war.

Nevertheless, gentlemen, not only because of respect for the government that sent us the invitation, but also because some benefit might result from this Congress, the imperial government accepted the invitation.

Without doubt the interchange of views, and the discussions between the representatives of the different governments, would result, at least, in strengthening the tie of sympathy between nations. If no other advantages should be gained, it is certain that this one would not be slightly appreciated.

It would be very desirable to have all difficulties arising between us decided by arbitration, as was done recently in the controversy between Chili and the Argentine Republic relative to the territory of Patagonia.

We have before us this example which leaves the hope that, at least in a few or in many cases, this way of counseling and adjusting by an act so solemn as the decision of a Congress shall be respected by the nations who shall have concurred in it.

These were the motives which moved us to accept the invitation, aside from the deference due to the Government of the great American Republic.

It appeared to us that there could be no impropriety in it, seeing that the American Government expressed and reiterated the declaration that pending questions should not come before this Congress.

The Congress, however, as I have already declared, has been postponed indefinitely, and it is presumed that an appropriate communication will be made to us soon.

This is all I have to say to the noble Senator.